词汇
- intern/'ɪntɝn/ n. 实习生，实习医师
- junior /'dʒunɪɚ/ adj. 年少的；后进的；下级的
- hard-headed/,ha:d'hedid/ adj. 头脑冷静的
- calculating/'kælkjuletɪŋ/ adj. 计算的；深谋远虑的；审慎的 v. 计算
- Messier 是messy的变形 /'mesi/adj.不整洁的；混乱的；杂乱的；紊乱的
- plague/pleɡ/ v.使困扰 be plagued by 受......困扰
- complicated/'kɑmplɪketɪd/ adj. 难懂的，复杂的
- Simplify/ˈsɪmplɪˌfaɪ/ v.简化,精简,极简主义
- purposeful /'pɝpəsfl/ adj. 有目的的；有决心的
- rational /'ræʃnəl/ adj. 合理的；理性的
- laid the groundwork for为......奠定基础
- expounded/ɪk'spaʊnd/ vt. 解释；详细说明
- seminal /'sɛmɪnl/ adj.有创造力的，对未来有影响的；重大的
- profitability/prɑfɪtə'bɪləti/ n. 盈利能力；收益性；利益率
- short-sighted/'ʃɔ:t'saitid/ adj. 目光短浅的；近视的
- collateral/kə'lætərəl/ adj. 并行的；旁系的；附属的n. 抵押品；
- variable/'vɛrɪəbl/adj. 变量的；可变的；易变的
- schooling/'skulɪŋ/ n. 学校教育；学费
- shed light on阐明；使…清楚地显出
- paternalistic/pə,tə:nə'listik/ adj. 家长式作风的
- well-fed/'wel'fed/ adj. 营养充足的；肥胖的
- reaped/riːp/ vt. 收获，获得；收割
- shrinkage/'ʃrɪŋkɪdʒ/ n. 收缩；减低
- bristle/'brɪsl/ vi. 发怒；竖起
- Unsightly [ʌnˈsaɪtli] adj.不美观的，难看的;不好看的
- Fuzzy [ˈfʌzi] adj.模糊的;绒毛般的，毛茸茸的;
- sophisticated [səˈfɪstɪˌketɪd] adj.复杂的;精致的;富有经验的;
- empirical [ɛmˈpɪrɪkəl] adj.经验主义的;凭经验的;
- acquisition [ˌækwɪˈzɪʃən] n. 收购;获得;购置物;获得物
词组
1.human capital 人力资源
2.a lack of 缺少；缺乏
3.in turn 轮流；依次
4.take on 承担
1.in the first place 一开始
2.income growth 收入增加
3.household work 家务活
4.In any case 一般来说
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But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce.
It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
Becker made the assumption that people would be hard-headed in calculating how much to invest in their own human capital.
They would compare expected future earnings from different career choices and consider the cost of acquiring the education to pursue these careers, including time spent in the classroom.
He knew that reality was far messier, with decisions plagued by uncertainty and complicated motivations, but he described his model as an “economic way of looking at life”.
His simplified assumptions about people being purposeful and rational in their decisions laid the groundwork for an elegant theory of human capital, which he expounded in several seminal articles and a book in the early 1960s.
His theory helped explain why younger generations spent more time in schooling than older ones: longer life expectancies raised the profitability of acquiring knowledge.
It also helped explain the spread of education: advances in technology made it more profitable to have skills, which in turn raised the demand for education.
It showed that under-investment in human capital was a constant risk: young people can be short-sighted given the long payback period for education; and lenders are wary of supporting them because of their lack of collateral (attributes such as knowledge always stay with the borrower, whereas a borrower's physical assets can be seized).
It suggested that there was no fixed number of good jobs but that highly paid work would increase as economies produced more skilled graduates who generated more innovation.
Human capital could also be applied to topics beyond returns to individuals from education.
The idea was a powerful variable in explaining why some countries fared far better than others: to promote income growth over many years, heavy investment in schooling was necessary.
It shed light on why firms in poor countries tended to be more paternalistic, providing dormitories and canteens: they reaped immediate productivity gains from rested, well-fed workers.
It informed big increases in the numbers of women studying law, finance and science since the 1950s: the automation of much household work meant that women could invest more in building their careers.
And it helped explain the shrinkage of families in wealthy countries: if increasing value is placed on human capital, parents must invest more in each child, making large families costly.
But any theory that attempts to explain so much is bound to encounter pushback.
Many critics bristled at Becker's market-driven logic, which seemed to reduce people to cold, calculating machines.
Although “human capital” is an unsightly term—in 2004 a panel of German linguists deemed Humankapital the most offensive word of the year—it is the task of social science to identify and refine concepts that would otherwise be fuzzy.
It took Becker's framework to make the importance of education explicit, and to put people at the heart of economics.
Within the discipline, some objected that Becker had overstated the importance of learning.
Education matters not because it imparts knowledge, critics said, but because of what it signals about the people who complete university, namely that they are disciplined and more likely to be productive workers.
In any case, people of greater abilities are the ones who are most likely to get higher degrees in the first place.
Yet increasingly sophisticated empirical analyses has revealed that the acquisition of knowledge is in fact a big part of what it means to be a student.
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But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
但是，这仅仅是他的分析的起点。
Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
贝克尔注意到，人们是要获取一般性人力资本，但是，他们经常是自费获取，而不是用雇主的钱。
This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce.
这对于大学来说如此，对于几乎所有行业的工人来说亦是如此。
It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
前者出现在学生为支付学费而在进入劳动大军之前而背负债务时，后者体现在实习生、受训者和初级员工通过少拿工资来分担让自己迅速进入角色的费用这个方面。
Becker made the assumption that people would be hard-headed in calculating how much to invest in their own human capital.
贝克尔提出了人们在为自己的人力资本投多少钱而算计时会精打细算的假设。
They would compare expected future earnings from different career choices and consider the cost of acquiring the education to pursue these careers, including time spent in the classroom.
他们会比较不同职业选择的未来收入，并且还会考虑为追求这些职业而获取教育的成本，如用在教室中的时间。
He knew that reality was far messier, with decisions plagued by uncertainty and complicated motivations, but he described his model as an “economic way of looking at life”.
他深知，虽说现实纷繁复杂，各种决定为不确定性和种种复杂的动机所困扰。但是，他还是把自己的模型描述为一种“看待生活的经济学方式”。
His simplified assumptions about people being purposeful and rational in their decisions laid the groundwork for an elegant theory of human capital, which he expounded in several seminal articles and a book in the early 1960s.
他的这些有关人们在做决定时是有目的的、理性的的简化假设为他在上世纪60年代的多篇开创性论文和一本书中对其做出了论述的精妙的人力资本理论奠定了基础。
His theory helped explain why younger generations spent more time in schooling than older ones: longer life expectancies raised the profitability of acquiring knowledge.
他的理论为解释为什么年轻一代比前辈把更多的时间用在学习上提供帮助：不断延长的预期寿命提升了获取知识的盈利性。
It also helped explain the spread of education: advances in technology made it more profitable to have skills, which in turn raised the demand for education.
它还为解释教育的普及提供了帮助：技术进步使得拥有技能更为有利可图，这反过来又提高了对于教育的需求。
It showed that under-investment in human capital was a constant risk: young people can be short-sighted given the long payback period for education; and lenders are wary of supporting them because of their lack of collateral (attributes such as knowledge always stay with the borrower, whereas a borrower's physical assets can be seized).
他的理论表明，人力资本方面的投资不足是一种恒久不变的风险：鉴于教育的长久回报期，年轻人可能是目光短浅的；同时，放债方会由于他们缺乏抵押品而对支持他们持谨慎的态度（像知识这种资本的属性总是与举债方在一起，而举债方的有形资产是可以被查封的）。
It suggested that there was no fixeHuman capital could also be applied to topics beyond returns to individuals from education.
人力资本还可以被应用于个人教育回报之外的多种话题。
The idea was a powerful variable in explaining why some countries fared far better than others: to promote income growth over many years, heavy investment in schooling was necessary.
这一思想在解释为什么有些国家比其他国家过得好很多时是一个强有力的变量：为促进长年的收入增长，学校教育方面的大笔投入是必需的。
It shed light on why firms in poor countries tended to be more paternalistic, providing dormitories and canteens: they reaped immediate productivity gains from rested, well-fed workers.
它论述了为什么穷国的公司往往更具有家长式作风，提供了宿舍和食堂：它们从吃好睡好的工人那里收获了直接的生产力提高。
It informed big increases in the numbers of women studying law, finance and science since the 1950s: the automation of much household work meant that women could invest more in building their careers.
它通告了学习法律金融和科学的女性数量在上世纪50年代之后的巨大增长：大部分家务活的自动化意味着女性可以在构建职业生涯方面投入更多。
And it helped explain the shrinkage of families in wealthy countries: if increasing value is placed on human capital, parents must invest more in each child, making large families costly.
同时，它还为解释家庭在富裕国家中的收缩提供了帮助：如果增加值是被放在人力资本之上，父母就必须要为每一个孩子投入更多的钱，这使得大家庭变得成本高昂。
But any theory that attempts to explain so much is bound to encounter pushback.
但是，任何试图解释如此多事情的理论注定都会遇到阻力。
Many critics bristled at Becker's market-driven logic, which seemed to reduce people to cold, calculating machines.
许多批评者对贝克尔的这种似乎是把人贬低到等同于冰冷的、会算计的机器的市场驱动逻辑感到不满。
Although “human capital” is an unsightly term—in 2004 a panel of German linguists deemed Humankapital the most offensive word of the year—it is the task of social science to identify and refine concepts that would otherwise be fuzzy.
尽管“人力资本”是一个不雅观的词语——一些德国语言学者曾在2004年把Humankapital选为年度最具冒犯性词语——但是，认可并完善这些不然就会含义模糊的概念是社会科学的任务。
It took Becker's framework to make the importance of education explicit, and to put people at the heart of economics.
它采用了贝克尔的框架是为了明确教育的重要性，也是为了把人置于经济学的中心。
Within the discipline, some objected that Becker had overstated the importance of learning.
在学科内部，有些人反对说，贝克尔夸大了学习的重要性。
Education matters not because it imparts knowledge, critics said, but because of what it signals about the people who complete university, namely that they are disciplined and more likely to be productive workers.
批评者声称，教育之所以重要，不是因为它传授知识，而是因为它发出的关于完成了大学学业之人的信号，即，他们受过训练，并且更可能成为高效的工人。
In any case, people of greater abilities are the ones who are most likely to get higher degrees in the first place.
一般说来，具有更大能力的是一开始就最有可能拿到更高学位的人。
Yet increasingly sophisticated empirical analyses has revealed that the acquisition of knowledge is in fact a big part of what it means to be a student.
然而，日益成熟的实证分析表明，知识的获取实际上是作为一名学生所意味的大部分。
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原文：But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
官方译文：但是，这仅仅是他的分析的起点。
修订后的译文：但这只是他分析的起点。
原文：Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
官方译文：贝克尔注意到，人们是要获取一般性人力资本，但是，他们经常是自费获取，而不是用雇主的钱。
修订后的译文：贝克尔观察到，人们确实有去获取通用性人力资本，但他们通常是自费获取，而不是用雇主的钱。
解析：
1. 贝克尔：人力资本(HCM – Human Capital Management)理论最早起源于经济学研究。20世纪60年代，美国经济学家舒尔茨和贝克尔创立人力资本理论，开辟了关于人类生产能力的崭新思路。该理论认为物质资本指物质产品上的资本，包括厂房、机器、设备、原材料、土地、货币和其他有价证券等；而人力资本则是体现在人身上的资本，即对生产者进行教育、职业培训等支出及其在接受教育时的机会成本等的总和，表现为蕴含于人身上的各种生产知识、劳动与管理技能以及健康素质的存量总和。
2. He observed that leukaemia in children was more common if the fathers had been heavily irradiated. 他注意到，如果父亲遭受过大量辐射，孩子患白血病的情况就更多见。《柯林斯词典》
3. human capital: 人力资本.人力资本（human Capital），亦称“非物质资本”。与“物质资本”相对。西方经济学概念。体现在劳动者身上的资本。如劳动者的知识技能、文化技术水平与健康状况等。
4. general human capital：通用性人力资本。贝克尔依据企业员工的知识技能的不同将人力资本分为通用性人力资本和专用性人力资本。
5. That：指at the expense
原文：This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce. It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
官方译文：这对于大学来说如此，对于几乎所有行业的工人来说亦是如此。前者出现在学生为支付学费而在进入劳动大军之前而背负债务时，后者体现在实习生、受训者和初级员工通过少拿工资来分担让自己迅速进入角色的费用这个方面。
修订后的译文：这对大学生来说是如此，对几乎所有行业的员工来说亦是如此。大学生在参加工作前往往举债上大学；实习生、受训者和初级员工通过少拿工资来分担让自己迅速进入角色的成本。
解析：
share in：分担
up to speed：公司里面掌握情况，那就是迅速进入角色，适应工作
以合适的速度或标准生产某物或执行某事;[非正式用语] 悉知的，熟悉的：2
Those in charge deluded themselves they were up to speed.
那些负责人自以为掌握了最新情况。《柯林斯高阶英汉双解学习词典》
He will need to get rapidly up to speed on three issues.
他将需要迅速把握三个问题。www.ftchinese.com
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But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
但是，这仅仅是他的分析的起点。
Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
贝克尔注意到，人们是要获取一般性人力资本，但是，他们经常是自费获取，而不是用雇主的钱。
This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce.
这对于大学来说如此，对于几乎所有行业的工人来说亦是如此。
It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
前者出现在学生为支付学费而在进入劳动大军之前而背负债务时，后者体现在实习生、受训者和初级员工通过少拿工资来分担让自己迅速进入角色的费用这个方面。
intern/'ɪntɝn/ n. 实习生，实习医师
junior /'dʒunɪɚ/ adj. 年少的；后进的；下级的
human capital 人力资源
Becker made the assumption that people would be hard-headed in calculating how much to invest in their own human capital.
贝克尔提出了人们在为自己的人力资本投多少钱而算计时会精打细算的假设。
They would compare expected future earnings from different career choices and consider the cost of acquiring the education to pursue these careers, including time spent in the classroom.
他们会比较不同职业选择的未来收入，并且还会考虑为追求这些职业而获取教育的成本，如用在教室中的时间。
He knew that reality was far messier, with decisions plagued by uncertainty and complicated motivations, but he described his model as an “economic way of looking at life”.
他深知，虽说现实纷繁复杂，各种决定为不确定性和种种复杂的动机所困扰。但是，他还是把自己的模型描述为一种“看待生活的经济学方式”。
hard-headed/,ha:d'hedid/ adj. 头脑冷静的
calculating/'kælkjuletɪŋ/ adj. 计算的；深谋远虑的；审慎的 v. 计算
Messier 是messy的变形 /'mesi/adj.不整洁的；混乱的；杂乱的；紊乱的
plague/pleɡ/ v.使困扰 be plagued by 受......困扰
complicated/'kɑmplɪketɪd/ adj. 难懂的，复杂的
His simplified assumptions about people being purposeful and rational in their decisions laid the groundwork for an elegant theory of human capital, which he expounded in several seminal articles and a book in the early 1960s.
他的这些有关人们在做决定时是有目的的、理性的的简化假设为他在上世纪60年代的多篇开创性论文和一本书中对其做出了论述的精妙的人力资本理论奠定了基础。
His theory helped explain why younger generations spent more time in schooling than older ones: longer life expectancies raised the profitability of acquiring knowledge.
他的理论为解释为什么年轻一代比前辈把更多的时间用在学习上提供帮助：不断延长的预期寿命提升了获取知识的盈利性。
It also helped explain the spread of education: advances in technology made it more profitable to have skills, which in turn raised the demand for education.
它还为解释教育的普及提供了帮助：技术进步使得拥有技能更为有利可图，这反过来又提高了对于教育的需求。
Simplify/ˈsɪmplɪˌfaɪ/ v.简化,精简,极简主义
purposeful /'pɝpəsfl/ adj. 有目的的；有决心的
rational /'ræʃnəl/ adj. 合理的；理性的
laid the groundwork for为......奠定基础
expounded/ɪk'spaʊnd/ vt. 解释；详细说明
seminal /'sɛmɪnl/ adj.有创造力的，对未来有影响的；重大的
profitability/prɑfɪtə'bɪləti/ n. 盈利能力；收益性；利益率
It showed that under-investment in human capital was a constant risk: young people can be short-sighted given the long payback period for education; and lenders are wary of supporting them because of their lack of collateral (attributes such as knowledge always stay with the borrower, whereas a borrower's physical assets can be seized).
他的理论表明，人力资本方面的投资不足是一种恒久不变的风险：鉴于教育的长久回报期，年轻人可能是目光短浅的；同时，放债方会由于他们缺乏抵押品而对支持他们持谨慎的态度（像知识这种资本的属性总是与举债方在一起，而举债方的有形资产是可以被查封的）。
It suggested that there was no fixed number of good jobs but that highly paid work would increase as economies produced more skilled graduates who generated more innovation.
他的理论表明，没有固定数量的好工作，但是，高工资工作会随着经济体生产出更多的带来了更多创新的高技能毕业生而增加。
Human capital could also be applied to topics beyond returns to individuals from education.
人力资本还可以被应用于个人教育回报之外的多种话题。
The idea was a powerful variable in explaining why some countries fared far better than others: to promote income growth over many years, heavy investment in schooling was necessary.
这一思想在解释为什么有些国家比其他国家过得好很多时是一个强有力的变量：为促进长年的收入增长，学校教育方面的大笔投入是必需的。
short-sighted/'ʃɔ:t'saitid/ adj. 目光短浅的；近视的
collateral/kə'lætərəl/ adj. 并行的；旁系的；附属的n. 抵押品；
variable/'vɛrɪəbl/adj. 变量的；可变的；易变的
schooling/'skulɪŋ/ n. 学校教育；学费
It shed light on why firms in poor countries tended to be more paternalistic, providing dormitories and canteens: they reaped immediate productivity gains from rested, well-fed workers.
它论述了为什么穷国的公司往往更具有家长式作风，提供了宿舍和食堂：它们从吃好睡好的工人那里收获了直接的生产力提高。
It informed big increases in the numbers of women studying law, finance and science since the 1950s: the automation of much household work meant that women could invest more in building their careers.
它通告了学习法律金融和科学的女性数量在上世纪50年代之后的巨大增长：大部分家务活的自动化意味着女性可以在构建职业生涯方面投入更多。
And it helped explain the shrinkage of families in wealthy countries: if increasing value is placed on human capital, parents must invest more in each child, making large families costly.
同时，它还为解释家庭在富裕国家中的收缩提供了帮助：如果增加值是被放在人力资本之上，父母就必须要为每一个孩子投入更多的钱，这使得大家庭变得成本高昂。
But any theory that attempts to explain so much is bound to encounter push back.
但是，任何试图解释如此多事情的理论注定都会遇到阻力。
Many critics bristled at Becker's market-driven logic, which seemed to reduce people to cold, calculating machines.
许多批评者对贝克尔的这种似乎是把人贬低到等同于冰冷的、会算计的机器的市场驱动逻辑感到不满。
shed light on阐明；使…清楚地显出
paternalistic/pə,tə:nə'listik/ adj. 家长式作风的
well-fed/'wel'fed/ adj. 营养充足的；肥胖的
reaped/riːp/ vt. 收获，获得；收割
shrinkage/'ʃrɪŋkɪdʒ/ n. 收缩；减低
household work 家务活
bristle/'brɪsl/ vi. 发怒；竖起
Although “human capital” is an unsightly term—in 2004 a panel of German linguists deemed Human kapital the most offensive word of the year—it is the task of social science to identify and refine concepts that would otherwise be fuzzy.
尽管“人力资本”是一个不雅观的词语——一些德国语言学者曾在2004年把Humankapital选为年度最具冒犯性词语——但是，认可并完善这些不然就会含义模糊的概念是社会科学的任务。
It took Becker's framework to make the importance of education explicit, and to put people at the heart of economics.
它采用了贝克尔的框架是为了明确教育的重要性，也是为了把人置于经济学的中心。
Within the discipline, some objected that Becker had overstated the importance of learning.
在学科内部，有些人反对说，贝克尔夸大了学习的重要性。
Education matters not because it imparts knowledge, critics said, but because of what it signals about the people who complete university, namely that they are disciplined and more likely to be productive workers.
批评者声称，教育之所以重要，不是因为它传授知识，而是因为它发出的关于完成了大学学业之人的信号，即，他们受过训练，并且更可能成为高效的工人。
In any case, people of greater abilities are the ones who are most likely to get higher degrees in the first place.
一般说来，具有更大能力的是一开始就最有可能拿到更高学位的人。
Yet increasingly sophisticated empirical analyses has revealed that the acquisition of knowledge is in fact a big part of what it means to be a student.
然而，日益成熟的实证分析表明，知识的获取实际上是作为一名学生所意味的大部分。
Unsightly [ʌnˈsaɪtli] adj.不美观的，难看的;不好看的
Fuzzy [ˈfʌzi] adj.模糊的;绒毛般的，毛茸茸的;
sophisticated [səˈfɪstɪˌketɪd] adj.复杂的;精致的;富有经验的;
empirical [ɛmˈpɪrɪkəl] adj.经验主义的;凭经验的;
acquisition [ˌækwɪˈzɪʃən] n. 收购;获得;购置物;获得物