Cotton Empire
Author: [US] Sven Beckert
Publisher: waves Shu Democracy and Construction Press
Exhibition ESRB: Kisakinami
Subtitle: a history of global capitalism
Original Title: Empire of Cotton: A Global History
Translator: Xuyi Jie / Yan Yang
Published: 2019-4
Pages: 512
Price: 118.00 yuan
Binding: Hardcover
Series: Church history
ISBN: 9787513923927
01
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Just read half. Serious scholars of the writings, the body 369, the comment 115.
The book includes detailed data and case, also give some actual stories make the book easier to read.
Research the history of the global cotton and textile-related, of course, it is now the focus of recent history.
On the important points are:
1: mercantile capitalism in fact more appropriate to call the war capitalism, slavery, exploitation of indigenous peoples, imperial expansion, arms trade, many entrepreneurs claim to sovereignty of the people and the land, its core.
2: British workers high wages, the capitalists in order to reduce the price of cotton textiles, machinery and equipment continue to make improvements;
3: North American slavery cotton Manor is an important part of the war capitalism, the British controlled the then world cotton trade network, and therefore continue to benefit from the slavery of cotton estate;
4: British advanced machinery and equipment continued to spread to Europe;
5: Egypt try to imitate the British war capitalism in the country to promote the textile industry, working in a factory implementation of slavery, did not for a long time;
6: Cuban slave-owners are more willing to reduce tariffs dumping sugar and coffee, so Brazil can not trade protectionism industrialization;
7: Early European cotton textile factory mainly women and child labor;
8: Liverpool cotton trading center, gave birth to the standard cotton and cotton futures.
The overall evaluation of 5 stars.
Hardcover book printing a little problem, after reading a long time easily stained with fluorescent hands on the cover.
02
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The following are some of the content of the book excerpt:
1: the world is so radically and rapidly rebuilt, but because the new organization of production, trade and consumption patterns appeared became possible. Slavery, exploitation of indigenous peoples, imperial expansion, arms trade, many entrepreneurs claim to sovereignty of the people and the land, its core. I call this system called "war on capitalism" (war capitalism). P6
2: However, unlike these commodities, cotton has two labor-intensive stages of production, is located in a farm and the other in the factory. Sugar and tobacco did not form in the European social large-scale industrial proletariat, cotton did; tobacco did not lead to the rise of huge new manufacturing enterprises, cotton did; indigo cultivation and the production process does not create significant new manufacturers in Europe market, cotton did; rice cultivation in the Americas did not cause explosive growth and employment system of slavery, cotton did. P8
3: heavily armed marauding capitalists become a symbol of the new world dominated by Europeans, their gunboats, soldiers, businessmen, armed private militia and settlers everywhere plundering land and labor, off competitors. Privatization of force is one of their core competencies. P40
4: War capitalism rely on wealthy and powerful Europeans, the world is divided into "internal" and two area "outside." "Within" the legal framework and practices, including the home country, the country has to maintain order; contrast, the "outside" is dominated by the Empire, lost a lot of land, which was killing indigenous people, resources have been plundered, enslaved people, and a lot of land occupied by private capitalists, and distant European countries is almost no effective oversight. P41
5: These objections led to some protectionist measures. In 1685, the British "all chintz, linen India and all Indian-made silk products" imposed a 10% tax. In 1690, the tariff has doubled. In 1701, imports of cotton prints parliamentary provision is illegal, only imports of white cotton to England for further processing, which greatly promoted the development of the British cotton printing and dyeing industry. A 1721 decree even prohibit people from India dressed with a white cloth dyed cotton prints
6: clothes. Ultimately, the sale of Indian cotton has become completely illegal. P49
7: European traders - especially British businessman - at the British government for their assistance, in a unique way to squeeze in global cotton production networks - between growers and spinners, weavers and spinners between network connectivity between producers and consumers. Long before the invention of new technology in cotton production, in fact they had restructured the global cotton industry and cotton global network. These networks are jointly dominated by private capital and the state more vibrant. P54
8: they are combined to create an armed trade, industrial espionage, bans, restrictive trade regulations, they also control the territory captured labor force, the expulsion of indigenous people. Meanwhile, the state through its own power to create new territory, to the distant control of the capitalists, has established a new economic order. P54
9: British inventor of intelligence, the size of the UK market and the extraordinary depth of integration, geographical conditions conducive to water transport in the UK, way of thinking has no state religion from those who jump out of the stereotype of the entrepreneur initiative preferences and other factors are mentioned. For all these reasons it is important, but they have ignored the core story of the industrial revolution: it relies war capitalist system worldwide. P62
10: As the labor cost is tempting to seize new opportunities influence of major obstacles, the British businessman, inventor and budding manufacturers - are pragmatic people - focused on how to increase productivity in high labor costs. In the process, they contributed to the history of cotton the most important technological changes. The first invention is noteworthy that the shuttle John Kay (John Kay) invented in 1733. P64
11: Since the decision to export their cotton planting cotton, as well as labor, their Caribbean slaves emerged explosive growth. Between 1781 to 1791, only British Caribbean islands on cotton imports quadrupled. French plantation owners have followed suit, between 1781 to 1791, the most important cotton production in the Caribbean Santo Domingo cotton exports doubled, the French manufacturer of cotton called this island cotton (coton des Isles). P85
12: By the 1780s, the West Indies and South America, slaves produced most of the cotton sold on the world market, this explosive combination of slavery and conquest all the way to boost the industrial revolution in 1861. P90
13：因此，对于工业革命来说至关重要的供给弹性，仰赖可靠地获得遥远的土地和外国劳动力的能力。对西方崛起有很多传统解释，例如技术革新、文化倾向，以及聚集在不列颠群岛的偏远角落的一小群棉布制造商所处的地理和气候环境，相比这些因素，欧洲各国及其资本家重新安排全球经济联系的能力和依靠暴力攫夺土地和劳动力的能力，就算不是更重要，也至少同等重要。P91
14：事实上,18世纪80年代,对于欧洲人来说,棉花出产自西印度群岛、巴西、奥斯曼帝国和印度,但不会产自北美。对于利物浦海关的官员来说,从美国进口棉花几乎难以想象。美国能产出数量可观的原棉看起来更加荒谬。P93
15：当1791年的革命使得圣多明各不再成为棉花市场的竞争者之后,美国的棉花种植迎来了决定性的突破。圣多明各是欧洲最重要的棉花来源,革命使棉花价格上涨,也使得整个法国种植园主阶层四散奔逃,他们中的一些逃到了古巴和其他岛屿,有很多来到了美国。P95
16：为了大规模扩大棉花生产,种植园主引入了成千上万的奴隶。18世纪90年代,佐治亚州的奴隶数量几近翻倍,达到了6万人。在南卡罗来纳，内陆棉花种植区的奴隶数量在1790年时是2.1万人,20年后增长到7万人,其中有15000名新近从非洲引进的奴隶。P96
17：但与世界上几乎所有其他棉化种植地区不同的是,美国的种植园主不仅有着不受限制的土地劳工和资本供应,还有着无与伦比的政治权力,P98
18：1803年,路易斯安那购地案使得美国的领土几乎增长了一倍,1819年,美国从西班牙手中得到佛罗里达,1845年吞并了得克萨斯。所有这些获得的土地都有非常适宜棉花农业的土地。事实上,到1850年,美国有67%的棉花产自半个世纪前还不属于美国的土地。羽翼渐丰的美国政府建立了一个军事一棉花综合体。P99
19：但是只有几个国际条约本身是不够的,为了使这些土地能够为种植园主所用,需要将控制那里的原住民赶走。19世纪最初几年,克里克人(Creeks)已经被迫放弃对佐治亚的土地的权利主张,这些土地随后变为棉花田。10年后,克里克人又战败,被迫签署《杰克逊堡条约》(Treaty of Fort Jackson),割让了2300万英亩的土地,相当于今天的亚拉巴马和佐治亚。P100
20：以一种迂回的方式,美国的独立已经成为欧洲棉花产业,特别是英国棉花产业的福音。英国屈服于一个世纪以来的废奴主义者的压力,在1834年废除了其帝国内的奴隶制。一些美国革命者设想在自己的国家也这样废除奴隶制,却只看到奴隶制成为世界最重要的棉花种植区的发动机。P104
21：种植园主支配劳工的方式与英国商人和印度农耕者或安纳托利亚的奥斯曼土地所有者之间的关系截然不同,他们可以更加严厉地鞭笞奴隶,因而发明了越来越残酷的惩罚劳动力的方法。事实上,根据历史学家爱德华·巴普蒂斯特(Edward Baptist)的说法,酷刑是美国种植者生产更多棉花的能力的根源。P107
22：英国的竞争强烈地刺激了制造商去拥抱一个全新的事物,但是没有英国的技术,制造商就不可能做到这一点。尽管英国政府试图坚持自己的垄断地位,但由于私人和政府指导的工业间谍活动的积极进行,也由于那些试图在新土地发财致富的熟练工人和棉花资本家不可阻挡的外流趋势,新技术还是迅速蔓延开来。在英国发明新机器到传播至其他地方之间,通常只有10年的滞后时间。P137
23：值得一提的是,机械化棉纺来到欧洲大陆的第一波浪潮,是不断扩张的法兰西革命共和国有能力将英国商品排除在欧洲大陆的直接结果。从1806年11月到1814年4月对英国贸易品的封锁,为欧洲大陆棉花工业化提供了一个最重要的推动力量,保护了起初弱小的大陆棉产业,使之成为一个完整的工业。P141
24：因此,工业资本主义的成功建立既依赖企业家的主动精神,也依赖国家建立一个能让制造业发展的框架的能力。除保护主义以外,国家也通过消除内部关税在建造市场中起到了至关重要的作用。加泰罗尼亚工业从西班牙取消内部市场关税壁垒中受益,1834年德意志关税同盟建立之后,德意志地区的工业也得到了很多好处,因为这消除了当时常见的繁杂的边界和各种各样的关税条款。P145
25：面对其他地方的保护主义,英国成功的秘诀有双重因素。首先,英国制造商把重点放在高质量的纱线和布料上,在这方面他们无须面对其他地方的技术不太先进的制造商的竞争。其次,英国越来越依赖世界殖民地或半殖民地地区的市场。P148
26：战争资本主义可能通过强有力的决心把棉花工业带入埃及,但其成果并没有持续太久。到了19世纪50年代,埃及的棉花工业基本消失,农村遍布工厂废墟。埃及从来没能建立使其全面过渡到工业资本主义的体制框架;甚至像雇佣劳工这样基本的制度也没有建立起来。埃及棉花种植和棉花工厂对战争资本主义的依赖最终限制了国内市场的增长。此外,埃及最终无法保护国内市场。P151
27：巴西之所以未能实现工业化,是政治上有影响力的奴隶主所造成的特殊政治经济条件的直接结果。这些强大的甘蔗和棉花种植者设想的巴西在全球经济中的角色是奴隶劳工生产的农产品的提供者,这个愿景与国内工业化项目背道而驰。P152
28：在19世纪上半叶,世界上许多拥有充满活力的棉花产业的地区并没有发展到机械化生产。所有这些情况都表明,各种各样的因素必须联合起来,才能使官僚和资本家进入这个工业创造财富的新世界。即使在巴利亚多利德的尤卡坦城,本来很有前途的棉花项目尤卡坦之光也在19世纪40年代末期终结了。P154
29：将工人迁入工厂的能力成为棉花帝国胜利的关键。结果,一道鸿沟横跨在世界上那些能够动员劳动力的政治家和资本家与那些做不到的人之间。要想说服成千上万的人放弃他们所知道的唯一的生活方式,其复杂程度不亚于安装新的机器。P160
30：孩子经常是第一个进人工厂工作的人,埃伦·胡顿就是其中之一。多达一半的棉花工人是孩子,被父母所逼迫,而这些父母又被新的经济现实所逼迫。儿童劳动力非常便宜,工资相当于成人工资的四分之一到三分之一,而且相对听话,不太可能反对极其重复和枯燥的任务,P167
31：获得女性劳动力对于早期的棉产品制造商来说至关重要。这也是欧洲大部分地区(后来还有日本)与世界其他地区的区别。并不是说其他地方的女性并没有从事纺织品生产——她们从事了——但是与非洲和亚洲不同,欧洲和北美的女性最终可能离开家庭进入工厂,这是纺织工业化的一个重要条件。例如,在中国情况就大不相同了。P170
32：从18世纪80年代开始到1861年的棉花帝国实际上依靠两种截然不同的劳动力形式两种截然不同的生产组织形式。大西洋西岸是充满活力、不断扩张和利润丰厚的奴隶种植园,这是欧洲人自16世纪以来一直在建立的非常活跃的战争资本主义的最新产物。在欧洲本身以及在新英格兰地区和世界上其他一些地区,也出现了一个更加新颖和更有活力的生产组织:工业资本主义,有着以受薪劳动力为基础的纺纱和织造工厂,生产力十分强劲。P176
33：利物浦和其他任何城市都不一样,同时集中了全球棉花贸易的所有核心功能。它的商人买卖原棉,运输棉花产品,并为棉花种植和棉花制造提供资金。其他棉花城市则更加专业化。例如,新奥尔良、亚历山大港和孟买的商人掌握了原棉出口,而不来梅和勒阿弗尔的商人则接受前者的货物。纽约和伦敦的商人专注于为贸易融资。而广泛分布在从布宜诺斯艾利斯到累西腓、汉堡到加尔各答这样的城市里的商人,他们收到纱线和布料,再把它们分销到内陆腹地。P179
34：棉花标准与另一项发明一起出现,而且事实上带来了这项发明:销售尚未到埠的棉花。对于期货市场来说,信息和样本必须比散装棉本身走得更快,这种情形似乎是18世纪10年代在利物浦出现的。到1812年,棉花经纪人开始交易仍然位于公海上的棉花,交换所谓的“海运提单”——证明某些生棉包所有权的文件。P187
全文完
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